Ion Cristoiu: "Within the regime, you have to distinguish between the permanencies of the State and the floating political personnel, which the regime uses"

1. From the essay dedicated by Lucian Boia to Napoleon III (“Napoleon III – The unlovedpublishing house “Les Belles Lettres ”Paris, 2008) amused by the fact that Alexandru Ioan Cuza left his chin to look like the Emperor of France.

It is true that at that time, France was for Romania what the Soviet Union was in 1950 and America in the last post-December years.

A kind of protective Uncle.

The union of the Principalities, for example, was the direct result of France’s protection. However, as Lucian Boia pointed out, the protection of France was based on Napoleon III’s ambition to be the Master of Europe and not on a tender love for the Romanians.

As proof that when the question of sacrificing the Principalities for the sake of Italy arose, Napoleon the Little, as Victor Hugo called Napoleon III, did not hesitate.

But even without knowing such details, the Romanian politicians of that time, led by Alexandru Ioan Cuza, could have shown much more caution in their attitude towards France.

But they no longer knew how to show the world that they were the grandchildren of Napoleon III.

Alexandru Ioan Cuza was dying to look like the Emperor in physiognomy.

Mihail Kogălniceanu declares that his dream is to make Romania a province of France.

People in high society dressed in French, spoke French, traveled to Paris with the feeling of a Muslim going to Mecca.

Was servitude to France an exception?

No way.

The Romanian political and cultural elites behaved in the same way with Germany, between 1940-1944, with America between 1990-2008.

Provincial complexes of Europe!

2. According to the Memoirs of Horia Sima from The end of a bloody reigna volume published in 1977 by the Legionary Movement Publishing House in Madrid, near its release, part of the operative game of Security and SSI for the use of legionaries in gaining the goodwill of Berlin, Horia Sima was warned by Nicki Stefanescu (Chief of Security) on the realities of Romania of Charles II:

“What I remembered from the conversations I had with Nicki Ştefănescu after June 8 was the existence in the regime of some” permanencies of the State “.

He has returned to this subject several times.

“Mr. Sima, you will most likely be released.” You will make contact with the people around the King. But you must know how to orient yourself, for your own good. Within the regime, you have to distinguish between the permanencies of the state and the floating political personnel that the regime uses. The permanence of the State decides on the politics of the country, on the calling of the governments, on the appointments of the ministers and on all the important functions. These people come and go as needed, but the permanence of the state remains.

He never revealed to me who is part of this immutable framework of the State, on which his entire gear depended. He let me identify these pillars of the regime on my own. From the way he spoke to me, I deduced that Moruzov was one of those favorites. Of course, the King, the head of the System, then Urdăreanu, the Minister of the Palace, and then, without a doubt, Elena Lupescu belonged to the permanent offices of the State.

– Mr. Sima, Nicki Ştefănescu also told me these days, you will see Ghelmegeanu. You have to tell him that your detention is no longer safe, because all the issues in question have been clarified and the internal and external political situation calls for us to enter a phase of national unity.

Now, I tell you, Ghelmegeanu, although Minister of the Interior, has little to say, because he does not belong to the permanencies of the State.

There are others who decide. But it is a formality that must be fulfilled.

I concluded that the whole government did not have much to say and that all state affairs were conducted directly from the Palace. “

NOTE: This editorial is taken entirely from

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